How the violent far right infiltrated France’s National Front

How the violent far right infiltrated France’s National Front

An Al Jazeera investigation has revealed close ties between a violent far-right group in the French city of Lille and Marine Le Pen‘s National Front (FN), despite a push by the party to soften its xenophobic and racist image to broaden its appeal with voters.

At least two members of Generation Identity (GI), an anti-Muslim youth movement, held political posts at FN, a new documentary by Al Jazeera titled Generation Hate, revealed on Sunday.

Their enlistment with FN appears to be part of a broader bid by GI to infiltrate Le Pen’s party and shape its policies.

In secretly-filmed footage, Aurelien Verhassel, the 34-year-old leader of GI Lille, claimed he wrote speeches for leaders of the FN, and was shown to have ties to Le Pen’s aide, Sebastien Chenu.

Activists also told our undercover reporter that Verhassel, who has a string of criminal convictions for violence, including a five-month prison sentence for an attack on two North African teenagers, helped GI members find jobs at the FN.

Verhassel, who is appealing that prison sentence, was also filmed telling a Canadian journalist that GI, one of Europe’s fastest growing and most prominent far-right movements, was not interested in winning political office because “we see ourselves in [the National Front’s] ideas”.

WATCH: France: Generation Identity, the far right and racist violence (3:05)

Other far-right activists from Bordeaux, south-western France, also in secretly-filmed conversations, claimed they provided security for FN leaders during the 2017 presidential election, which Le Pen lost to Emmanuel Macron in the runoff, while FN members professed support for a “civil war” during visits to a private bar run by Verhassel, called the Citadelle. 

Responding to Al Jazeera, Le Pen denied links between GI and FN, which has since been renamed the National Rally. Verhassel has never worked or written speeches for her party, she added.

‘We are complementary’

The revelations on Sunday were part of a six-month undercover sting that began in September last year at GI’s Lille branch. Members of the group were filmed carrying out racist attacks, admitting to a series of assaults on Arabs and Muslims, and making Nazi salutes.

That’s despite GI, a pan-European group estimated to have thousands of activists and an online following of tens of thousands, claiming it is non-violent and non-racist. The group advocates the defence of what it sees as the identity and culture of white Europeans from what it calls the “great replacement” by mass immigration and “Islamisation”.

Pierre Larti worked for the FN at Hauts-de-France council for three months in 2017 [Al Jazeera]

Verhassel, one of its most prominent leaders, sees GI as a feeder for FN. Describing GI as a “serious political movement that trains young leaders”, he told a Canadian journalist visiting the Citadelle that the movement was not interested in winning political office.

“For one simple reason … we have the National Front in France,” he said in December last year.

“We see ourselves in their ideas. Those, who at the appropriate age, would like to join a movement which does electoral politics can go ahead and join the National Front.”

Mathias Destal, a French journalist who has been investigating the country’s far-right, said it appeared GI was undertaking a tactic called “entryism” – the infiltration of a political party in the aim of subverting its policies or objectives.

We see a political force integrating with the National Front, which has a culture of violence, racism, xenophobia, obsessive Islamophobia, and this will end up in the [party’s] programmes, and the speeches of National Front officials,” he said.

Indeed, many GI members profess support for the tactic.

In December 2017, Cloe Jelmoni, a GI activist from Paris, told our undercover reporter that the movement’s goal was to apply political pressure on governments.

“It’s to propose solutions to governments, not to govern in their place,” she said. 

Cloe Jelmoni said GI’s goal was to be a ‘compass’ for governments [Photo courtesy of GI Paris]

Jelmoni claimed GI was the first to talk about stripping French citizenship from dual nationals convicted of terrorism – a proposal that gained majority support in the French parliament in 2016 but was later withdrawn by then-President Francois Hollande.

“We released books and ideas which have all been taken up by the National Front,” she said. “The National Front did its work, which was politics. And we did our work, which was the streets.”

She added: “Without it being official, because necessarily, we were complementary.”

De-demonisation strategy

Our undercover reporter also discovered FN members were welcome visitors at the Citadelle. Some also accepted GI’s language of a probable civil war between white Europeans and Muslims. Pascal Joye, a card-carrying FN member, said he expected a “revolt” if Le Pen came to power and began expelling what he called “petty criminals”.

“If there had to be a civil war, and you’ve got some darkie who’s giving you sh*** for something, you shoot randomly from a window,” he said. 

As part of a push by Le Pen to sanitise the party’s image, FN has made efforts in recent years to distance itself from extreme far-right groups.

When the 50-year-old leader took over the party in 2011, she kicked out dozens of people who were accused of racism and violence – including her own father and FN’s founder after he made statements minimising the importance of the Holocaust.

Destal, the journalist, said these moves were part of an attempt by Le Pen to “de-demonise” the party and break its “electoral glass ceiling”.

They appeared to be working.

In 2017, Le Pen polled more than seven million votes in the first round of France’s presidential election. In the second round, she was backed by more than 10 million voters but lost to Macron.

Her defeat, coupled with disappointing results in subsequent legislative elections, in which FN won only eight seats, led to bitter recriminations within the party.

Meanwhile, Le Pen’s right-hand man, Florian Philippot, a reformer who led the “de-demonisation” strategy, left FN in September last year claiming the party was making an “absolutely terrifying” return to the dark days of its most hardline past.

Le Pen has rejected the claim. But GI Lille’s links to FN suggested otherwise.

Remi Meurin said he joined FN to push GI’s policies [Al Jazeera]

Verhassel told our undercover reporter that he wrote speeches and worked on “communication for elected officials” at FN, and claimed to have held meetings with Chenu, Le Pen’s aide and a member of the French parliament.

Chenu, according to GI activist Romauld Matsuzak, also helped Verhassel gain entry to an FN campaign rally in April last year after he was initially barred by security guards.

Matsuzak, who also attended the rally, said Verhassel was “not allowed to go there … because he’s Aurelien and it isn’t the best image for the [National] Front”. In the end, Matsuzak said, Chenu sent Verhassel a message saying, “I invite you, you can come”, and the GI leader was allowed in.

In a statement to Al Jazeera, Chenu acknowledged meeting Verhassel but denied having close links with him. And Le Pen, in a statement, said Verhassel was persona non grata to FN and has been “struck with a membership ban”.

‘We’re the only ones left’

Meanwhile, other GI activists, also in secretly filmed conversations, said Verhassel helped GI activists get jobs at the FN.

GI activists Pierre Larti and Remi Meurin worked for FN at the regional council for Hauts-de-France, located in Lille, the capital of the northern district, according to statements they made to our undercover reporter. Both have since left their positions. 

The FN’s Hauts-de-France is led by politician Philippe Eymery.

Larti, who called for bullets in the heads of “Islamists and their accomplices” during a 2016 protest in Paris, said he was FN’s chief of staff at the regional council for three months in late 2017.

Formerly the head of human resources at a factory in the Paris region, Larti said he was fired from that job when his employer discovered his connection to GI.

“I was fired in half a day,” he told our reporter. FN hired him despite his GI links, he said. “The Front, they know who I am … the deal is that I don’t put myself forward any more with the Identitarians,” he said referring to GI.

Meurin, who worked at Hauts-de-France for nearly two years, told our reporter that Verhassel used his network of “contacts” to get him a job as a political assistant for the FN at the regional council.

He said he joined the party to push GI policies.

“I went there thinking ‘we got to push forward our ideas’,” he said. “The situation nowadays is that there is no more [Florian] Philippot. So, we’ve already won. We’re the only ones left.”

Eymery, FN’s Hauts-de-France leader, declined to comment on the hiring of Larti and Meurin, saying the party recruits workers for the regional council “in accordance with the law”.

The first part of Generation Hate is available online and can be viewed on Al Jazeera at the following times:

Sunday, December 9 and 16 – 20:00 GMT

Monday, December 10 and 17 – 12:00 GMT

Tuesday, December 11 and 18 – 06:00 GMT

Wednesday, December 12 and 19 – 06:00 GMT

Thursday, December 13 and 20 – 20:00 GMT

Friday, December 14 and 21 – 12:00 GMT

Saturday, December 15 and 22 – 01:00 GMT

Sunday, December 16 and 23 – 06:00 GMT

Generation Hate was produced and directed by Lee Sorrell


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